Yemen: The State of Public Education During Times of Conflict
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- / 13 Oct 2023
Yemen: The State of Public Education During Times of Conflict
Studies
Community and Development Studies Program
Introduction
Since the outbreak of the first war in late 2014, Yemen has undergone a profound transformation marked by a decline in development indicators and significant damage to all service and production sectors. Among the sectors deeply affected, the public education system, encompassing primary, secondary, and higher education, stands as a stark casualty. This research paper undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the conditions surrounding public education during this period of conflict.
The paper seeks to address the following pivotal questions:
To what extent has education played a role in fostering nation-building and shaping national identity amidst the turmoil?
What has been the impact of education in promoting a civil culture and instilling the values of equality, peace, coexistence, and peaceful dispute resolution?
How has education influenced social modernisation at the community level and facilitated social mobility at the individual level?
Do educational institutions align with the principles and requirements of good governance?
How have educational opportunities upheld the principle of social justice, and to what extent have they facilitated equitable access to education?
To achieve the objectives of this research paper and address these critical questions, we adopt a qualitative descriptive analytical approach. Given the challenging circumstances within Yemen, using a quantitative descriptive approach is hindered. Reliable statistical data, such as school enrollment rates, the number of graduates, educational institution distribution by governorates, student-teacher ratios, and education budget allocations within the governments of Sanaa and Aden, remain elusive. While the quantitative description is not entirely disregarded, it is supplementary to the qualitative descriptive approach.
In tandem with these approaches, a critical assessment is employed to evaluate the education system, elucidate the underlying causes of its collapse, and propose recommendations to shape policies conducive to "Quality Conflict-Sensitive Education."
Data for this analysis will be sourced from two main channels. First, primary data will be collected through informal interviews with key stakeholders in the Yemeni education system. Second, a secondary data source will be established to analyse legislation, plans, strategies, and educational literature relevant to Yemen. Furthermore, the research will draw upon the researcher's extensive personal experience in academia, spanning over thirty years.
Section 1: The Reality of the Public Education Sector in Times of War
During the years of conflict, the Yemeni public education sector has faced many challenges.[1] Notably, there has been a stark decline in university enrolment rates, particularly within the social and humanitarian specialisations (cite). Similarly, secondary education has not been spared, witnessing a significant decrease in enrolment, with only 52% of children of secondary school age being registered. Furthermore, of those initially enrolled, a mere 85% continue their education until the final grade of secondary school. [2]
In contrast, primary education appears to have held relatively steady, with an approximate 94% enrolment rate among children of primary school age. However, the disheartening issue lies in the alarmingly high dropout rates within primary education, affecting approximately 30.5% of students initially enrolled (cite). Regrettably, this dropout rate is one of the highest among Arab countries, [3] posing a substantial challenge to educational continuity in Yemen.
The areas under the control of the legitimate government in Yemen have been deeply affected by poverty, a stark reality evidenced by a memorandum from the Ministry of Education in Aden dated August 28, 2023, corresponding to Safar 11, 1445 AH. In this memorandum, the Ministry urgently requested that parents be encouraged to send their children to school through Friday and guidance sermons.[4] This distressing situation underscores the pressing need to address these regions' economic challenges.
Yemen, further burdened by a severe decline in its academic staff and the phenomenon of brain drain, grapples with the erosion of its intellectual resources. A concerning trend is observed as many scholarship students who complete their studies abroad do not return, and some professors on sabbaticals opt not to resume their academic duties. Additionally, some teaching staff assume senior political or administrative roles, contributing to a decline in the quality of the education system and governance.
Regarding education funding, university professors and teachers within areas under the control of the Houthi movement have faced a significant setback. They have not received their salaries since October 2016, and this issue affects roughly 70% of the total number of teachers in Yemen. The Internationally Recognized Government (IRG) and the Houthi government engage in a blame game regarding who bears the responsibility for their salaries. The Houthi government asserts that the IRG should assume payment since it decided to relocate the Central Bank of Yemen to Aden. At the same time, the IRG contends that the Houthi government, as the de facto authority (DFA), should be responsible for disbursing these salaries.
The education infrastructure in Yemen has also suffered, with approximately 2,500 schools rendered non-operational. Many of these schools have been repurposed for military use by various warring factions or as shelters for internally displaced persons and refugees. This has led to a notable rise in out-of-school children, from 1.6 million before the conflict to 2.05 million in 2021.[5]
The consequences of the ongoing conflict are also evident in the shrinking numbers of educational staff, both at the primary and secondary levels and within academic institutions. Due to the non-payment of teachers' salaries in Houthi-controlled areas and the low wages in IRG-controlled regions, some educators have sought alternative professions. Moreover, Yemen has witnessed an alarming increase in the brain drain phenomenon, with many scholarship recipients who obtained PhD degrees during the war period failing to return to their home universities. Some professors who embarked on sabbatical leaves during the conflict have not resumed their academic duties, resulting in a stagnation of professional growth. The pursuit of consultancy services has superseded the development of their professional skills. Financial support from universities for faculty participation in external conferences, seminars, and workshops has also dwindled, hindering the renewal and enhancement of knowledge and skills. Even within the country, political affiliations often influence the selection of participants for rare internal conferences and seminars.
Furthermore, there has been a noticeable decline in the development of the knowledge and skills of teachers and academics during their service in recent years. Training programs within Yemen and abroad have been halted, and the institutional capacities of administrative cadres in the education sector have waned. This decline can be attributed to the prioritisation of loyalty over competence in appointing executive leaders across various levels of the education sector, from the General Secretariats of the Ministry in Sana'a and Aden to the offices of the governorates, directorates, schools, and universities.
Section 2: Higher Education - Prioritizing Quantity Over Quality
The inception of government higher education in Yemen dates back to 1970, with the establishment of the University of Sana'a in the capital of the Yemen Arab Republic. In parallel, the University of Aden was founded in the capital of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. These two institutions remained the sole representatives of higher education in Yemen until the country's unification in 1990. Subsequently, through several decisions, education became a political instrument as President Ali Abdullah Saleh established colleges and universities nationwide, often without the essential infrastructure. Notably, in 1993, he issued directives to create the University of Hadramout in Mukalla and the University of Taiz. In 1996, three presidential decrees were issued to establish the universities of Al Hudaydah, Ibb, and Dhamar. This expansion continued with the establishment of the University of Amran in 2005, followed by a notable 2008 decree that created five additional universities, including Albaydha, Hajjah, Lahj, Abyan, and Al-Dhale.[6] While the first two of these five universities were established in 2008, the others were formed during the ongoing conflict.
Under the leadership of President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, the Internationally Recognized Government (IRG) initiated the establishment of several universities, including the University of Abyan in 2018, as well as the University of Saba in Marib (November 2016), the University of Sayun in Sayun, Hadramout (2017), Shabwah University (March 2021), and Al-Mahra University (October 2022). Meanwhile, the National Salvation Government (Ansar Allah) established Al-Dhale University in Damt in 2022, along with three additional universities: the University of September 21 in the capital, Sana'a (2016), Jibla University for Medical & Health Sciences in Jibla, Ibb (2019), and Al Mahwit University (August 2022). Consequently, the number of government universities in Yemen has now reached 18 in total.
Despite this surge in public universities, the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research has not devised a system to measure key performance indicators (University KPIs). While some Yemeni public universities have developed strategic plans, they often lack the inclusion of KPIs necessary for evaluating the performance of faculty members.
An illustrative indicator of the government's quantitative focus on expanding higher education over qualitative development is the establishment of numerous colleges and academic institutions in rural and tribal areas, sometimes as a gesture to appease tribal elites. This approach has yielded adverse effects on the essence of higher education. Instead of serving as a beacon of enlightenment and modernisation and influencing the surrounding environment, higher education has, in many instances, become influenced by the surrounding culture. Traditional cultural norms have permeated these academic institutions, leading to a decline in the quality of education provided compared to universities' main campuses.[7]
In this challenging educational landscape, universities often lack publishing houses or printing presses for producing textbooks and rely heavily on handouts. Additionally, not all Yemeni universities have access to internet services. Most colleges or centres only have a single telephone line, typically reserved for the dean's or the centre's head office. Moreover, there is a notable absence of photocopiers in these academic settings and a significant shortage of computers. The lack of classrooms is a persistent issue, and the existing facilities are frequently inadequately designed and equipped to meet the requirements of quality higher education. Many colleges lack libraries, and their conditions are subpar in cases where libraries exist. Furthermore, there is a severe shortage of laboratory equipment and educational technology, and many academic institutions suffer from insufficient electricity supply to fulfil their functions effectively.
Section 3: Erosion of Academic Freedom
Academic freedom is a fundamental concept encompassing the liberty of academics, both as individuals and within groups and communities, to cultivate knowledge and ideas and disseminate them through various means. This encompasses teaching, conducting research, participating in scholarly discussions, documenting findings, producing knowledge, and sharing it through diverse forms of publication. Academic freedom extends to safeguarding their rights to express views freely regarding their institutions and systems, ensuring they can perform their duties without discrimination and the spectre of state or non-state repression. It also encompasses the right to participate in academic professional and representative bodies and have universally recognised human rights extended to them and upheld by others.[8]
Realising academic freedoms hinges on two pivotal prerequisites. The first imperative lies in the independence of higher education institutions and a significant degree of self-governance. These institutions must be equipped to make autonomous decisions regarding their academic pursuits. This self-governance should be complemented by a system of public accountability, particularly about state funding, thus striking a balance between institutional independence and responsibility.[9] The second critical condition pertains to the state's role in guaranteeing and protecting academic freedom. This entails the state refraining from infringing upon the rights and freedoms of academics and creating an environment conducive to exercising academic rights and freedoms. State protection of academic freedom encompasses shielding the academic community's rights and liberties from encroachments by other sectors of society.
While "Academic Community" broadly encompasses all faculty members, students, employees, and workers within higher education institutions, this paper concentrates on analysing academic freedom pertaining to faculty members and students. It is crucial to note that the assurance of these freedoms indirectly promotes respect for the liberty of employees and workers across universities (cite).
Yemeni public universities find themselves in a precarious situation, heavily reliant on state funding, which has had the detrimental effect of eroding their independence and subjecting them to governmental control.[10] The selection of academic leaders, crucial figures in shaping the direction of these institutions, is primarily influenced by political loyalty rather than the traditional criteria of competence. Regrettably, successive executive authorities have frequently disregarded the professional requirements outlined in the university law for individuals assuming roles such as university presidents and deans of faculties. Such appointments have been orchestrated in a manner aimed at fostering a form of "Clientelism" between the government and the academic community, effectively moulding academic leaders into servile figures at the behest of the authority, akin to what Noam Chomsky describes as "Neo-Mandarins".[11] This dynamic often results in these leaders prioritising appeasement of the ruling authority over advancing academic pursuits. In exchange for their loyalty, these academic leaders are rewarded with various personal financial and material privileges, frequently at the expense of allocations intended to develop academic initiatives.
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Framework No. (1) Foundational Academic Freedom for Faculty Members and Students in Higher Education Institutions
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First: Foundational Academic Rights and Freedoms for Faculty Members:
Second: Foundational Academic Rights and Freedom for Higher Education Students:
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The various governments and de facto authorities operating in different regions of Yemen have not merely curtailed the independence of academic institutions; they have also posed threats to the personal security of academic community members, including university professors. At times, these threats have escalated to jeopardising their very suitable life. The "Scholars at Risk Network" has documented many violations against academic freedom in universities in Sana'a, Dhamar, Ibb, Taiz, and Aden over the past three years.[12]
Moreover, the legal frameworks governing Yemeni higher education institutions lack the adoption of electoral or competitive mechanisms to regulate the appointment of critical academic positions and participation in bodies, committees, and councils entrusted with policymaking and academic decisions. Instead, these frameworks predominantly adhere to appointment methods. University presidents are typically appointed via presidential decrees, often sidestepping the specific conditions outlined in the Yemeni public universities law, particularly concerning academic qualifications and years of service. The selection of faculty deans falls under the purview of university presidents, with the academic degree requirements sometimes not diligently adhered to, and they, in turn, oversee the appointment of department heads. Similarly, faculty members and their assistants are appointed without rigorous compliance with the conditions stipulated in the Yemeni university law. The procedures for appointing assistant teaching assistants, lecturers, and associate professors are enacted through orders and directives issued by university presidents to faculties, who subsequently relay these instructions to department heads. This approach deviates from the conventional practice of initiating appointments from the academic departments based on a pre-established needs plan. This shift has come at the expense of equality and equal opportunities, as mandated by the Yemeni university law. In recent years, teaching assistants have been appointed without formal announcements and strict adherence to grade and age requirements. Furthermore, some university presidents have imposed the appointment of lecturers and associate professors without the concurrence of academic departments, and at times, even in the face of their objections, all without the benefit of official announcements and strict consideration of age and specialisation prerequisites.
The last elections for the branches of the Yemeni Students Union at the University of Aden and Taiz University occurred in 2002 and for Sana'a University in 2004. However, de facto authorities have established student unions aligned with their interests within these universities. At Taiz University, an illegitimate student union affiliated with the Yemeni Congregation for Reform operates. At the University of Aden, an unlawful student union affiliated with the Southern Transitional Council is active. Meanwhile, at Sanaa University, the Student Union operated from 2004 until 2015 in violation of the law and was disbanded. Instead, what has come to be known as the "University Student Forum" was established, a body that assumed authority without elections and lacked accurate student representation. This forum operates in the interests of the authority and the university administration, sometimes even exhibiting behaviour akin to a moral police force. A recent example of this was the expulsion of a first-year student from the Faculty of Sharia and Law at Sana'a University following allegations of homosexuality made by female activists from the University Student Forum after she kissed a female colleague on the cheek in the college cafeteria.
Throughout the years of conflict in Yemen, elections for the administrative bodies of faculty unions in all universities have been suspended. The administrative bodies elected over a decade ago continue to sway in universities within the governorates controlled by the Internationally Recognized Government (IRG). In contrast, the administrative bodies of faculty unions in universities within Houthi-controlled governorates have been unofficially frozen.
Activists affiliated with political Islam movements routinely launch campaigns against university professors, with little to no intervention from the authorities to safeguard their rights and freedoms. In some instances, the authorities have even supported these campaigns. For example, a recent sermon by a mosque imam in Sana'a labelled 90% of university professors as "filthy" and "wretched." Another example is a campaign by imams in the city of Taiz against Taiz University for introducing a program on gender studies. In this campaign, gender was misrepresented as synonymous with homosexuality, sexual promiscuity, and same-sex marriage, suspending the program. This campaign was supported by some academics affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood at Taiz University.
In the capital city of Sana'a and the northern governorates, the Houthi authorities impose substantial restrictions on conducting field research, effectively implementing a near-total ban on such activities. While universities and faculty administrations pressure students to engage in field training, they often fail to provide the necessary material resources and facilities for effective field training.
Fourth: Disparities in Education: A System for the Privileged and the Marginalized
During the first decade of the 21st century, the average government expenditure on the general education sector accounted for approximately 5% of the GDP and about 14% of the total government spending. In addition to the limited allocations for the education sector, about 90% of the education budget was dedicated to current expenditures. Although precise data on budget allocations since the onset of the conflict in late 2014, whether in regions under the control of the Houthi movement or in areas governed by the Internationally Recognized Government (IRG), are unavailable, there is little doubt that allocations have dwindled compared to pre-war levels.
The Houthi government's commitment to funding education has dwindled to the point of near insignificance since the relocation of the Central Bank to Aden in September 2016. This has resulted in teachers receiving only sporadic, irregular payments.[13] On the other hand, the IRG has ceased constructing new schools and restoring damaged ones. Although there have been slight improvements in these areas, this is largely due to the interventions of organisations such as the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen (SDRPY) and the initiatives of the UAE Red Crescent. This has created a stark divide in the quality of education, effectively resulting in a dual system—one for the privileged and one for the marginalised.
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| Source: The provided figure is derived from the data presented in Ibrahim Muhammad Saleh's work, "Sources of Financing UniversityEducation in the Republic of Yemen," Faculty of Education, Ain Shams University, Issue (41), Part Three, 2017, page 29. For additionalreference, please visit the General People’s Congress website on the internet for further details, where it is documented that Yemen increased its expenditure on education to YER 186 billion. You can find this information at the following link: link: https://www.almotamar.net/pda/49569.htm. |
Public universities in Yemen grapple with a significant funding shortfall. In the most recent budget of the Republic of Yemen in 2014, higher education was allocated a mere 2.5% of the total budget, which amounted to approximately $13.4 billion. Government funding essentially stands as the primary and almost exclusive source of financial support for the higher education sector in Yemen, accounting for roughly 95% of its funding. Despite minor annual increases in allocations for higher education during the pre-war period, these enhancements failed to align with the rapid growth in the number of universities and the student population. Furthermore, they proved inadequate in meeting the essential needs for modernising higher education and upholding educational quality standards.
In response to the funding crisis, in recent years, public universities have explored implementing new higher education systems, specifically the parallel and private systems. These systems come with significantly high tuition fees, particularly in specialised fields such as applied and pure sciences. Unfortunately, both systems have eroded the principle of equal access to educational opportunities.
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Framework (2): Legislative Provisions in the Yemeni Constitution and Law No. 45 of 1992 on the General Education Law Pertaining to Free and Compulsory Education and the State's Responsibility for Educational Provisions
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Constitution Provisions:
Article 9: The state is committed to achieving social justice and equal educational opportunities, considering the socioeconomic challenges that might impede certain families from ensuring their children's right to education.
Article 32: Education, healthcare, and social services are fundamental pillars for the growth and advancement of society. The society collaborates with the state to provide these services.
Article 54: Education is a right for all citizens, secured by the state by establishing diverse schools and cultural and educational institutions. Primary education is mandatory, and the state actively works to eliminate illiteracy. It prioritises technical and vocational education. Additionally, the state focuses on nurturing the youth, shielding them from negative influences, and affording them religious, intellectual, and physical education, creating conducive conditions for their talent development in all spheres.
Law No. 45 of 1992 on the General Education Law:
Article 8: Education is free of charge at all levels and guaranteed by the state. The state shall gradually implement this principle in accordance with a plan approved by the Cabinet.
Article 9: The state is dedicated to realising social justice and equal educational opportunities, considering the socioeconomic situations that may hinder some families from enabling their children's right to education.
Article 18: Primary education is a unified general education for all students within the Republic, spanning nine years. It is compulsory, and students are accepted at age six. This educational stage serves to identify students' interests and talents, fostering their abilities.
Article 45: The Ministry of Education shall furnish schools with necessary equipment, textbooks, libraries, supplies, laboratory materials, specialised teaching aids, and other educational essentials as mandated by the curricula. This should be executed without discrimination among schools or governorates.
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Consequently, education has become a privilege for the affluent, with students facing more stringent admission criteria in majors like medicine, engineering, and other high-demand fields within these systems than their counterparts in the general education system, even when pursuing the same majors. Such a situation flagrantly violates the essence of Article 9 of Law No. 45 of 1992 concerning the General Law of Education, which explicitly emphasises that "the State shall strive to achieve social justice and equal educational opportunities while taking into account the social and economic barriers that hinder certain families from ensuring their children's right to education."
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Table (1) Fees of the parallel and private systems in several Sana’a university colleges for the year 2022-2023
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College
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Parallel Fees
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Private Fees
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Faculty of Sharia
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35000 YER
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400 $
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Faculty of Education
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Scientific Majors and English Major
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45000 YER
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400 $
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Other
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35000 YER
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300 $
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Faculty of Arts
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English Major
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45000 YER
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400 $
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Other
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35000 YER
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300 $
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Faculty of Science
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Biology Department and Chemistry Department
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100000 YER
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Physics and Mathematics
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60000 YER
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Faculty of Commerce
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35000 YER
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500 $
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Faculty of Medicine and Health Sciences
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Medicine
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6000 $
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6000 $
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Laboratories
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1250 $
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1750 $
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Nursing
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1250 $
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1750 $
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Faculty of Engineering
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1250 $
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1500 $
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Faculty of Agriculture
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50000 YER
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Faculty of Pharmacy
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1250 $
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1750 $
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Faculty of Mass Communication
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35000 YER
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300 $
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Faculty of Computer
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1250 $
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1750 $
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Faculty of Petroleum and Mining
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1500 $
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1750 $
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Source: The table was composed based on data from the University Student Forum Facebook account at the following link:
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Fifth: Inadequate Governance in Educational Institutions
Educational institutions have been characterised by a management approach that relies on directives and orders rather than well-defined goals, objectives, or the principles of good governance. This management style represents a form of poor governance marked by a lack of accountability. A recent and noteworthy example is the absence of accountability for officials within the Ministry of Higher Education of the internationally recognised government regarding corruption in allocating international scholarships.
In late November 2022, lists of international scholarship recipients were leaked, revealing that a significant portion of these scholarships had been granted to the children of high-ranking government officials and their relatives. This revelation rapidly evolved into a high-profile scandal, prompting the Cabinet to establish a committee of academics to collaborate with a government task force. They aimed to undertake a comprehensive review of scholarship policies and beneficiary records, amend the scholarship lists and discontinue scholarships for those deemed ineligible, all in the pursuit of justice and equal opportunities.[14] However, it has been nine months since these actions were initiated, and the committee's findings have yet to be disclosed.
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framework (3): Objectives of the National Strategy for Higher Education
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First Goal: The first objective of the National Strategy for Higher Education is to establish primary administrative systems at the national level and within higher education institutions affiliated with the Ministry. This aims to ensure the presence of standards that promote accountability and transparency, particularly in matters related to decision-making and the mechanisms for implementation.
Second Goal: The second objective focuses on diversifying governmental and non-governmental funding sources to support and enhance the higher education sector. The ultimate goal is to attain higher self-sustainability for higher education institutions. This can be achieved by forging genuine partnerships with the private sector.
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Source: Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, National Strategy for Higher Education in the Republic of Yemen and 2006-2010 Future Action Plan, Pages 54, 63, and 73, accessible at the following link:
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The National Primary Education Strategy defines community participation as an ongoing process in which society and institutional stakeholders actively engage in the planning, execution, and assessment of policies, programs, and activities related to the educational process. Nevertheless, the General Administration for Community Participation in the Ministry of Education has failed to establish effective mechanisms for involving local communities in education. Its role has been limited to imposing an 8,000 Riyals fee on each primary education student. [15]
Yemeni educational institutions have not implemented any systems for educational accountability, job performance evaluation, incentives[*]or quality measurement in primary and secondary schools or universities. This absence of structured mechanisms results in poor internal efficiency.
Sixth: Inadequate Education that Fails to Achieve its Objectives or Fulfil its Functions:
Education is a fundamental human right and an empowering right that equips individuals with the tools to exercise other human rights. It plays a pivotal role in breaking the cycle of poverty, fostering social inclusion, empowering women, shielding children from exploitative labour, promoting democracy, and enhancing human rights. Beyond its practical outcomes on individuals and societies, education nurtures well-educated individuals capable of independent, unhindered critical thinking. [16]
Article 5 of the Republican Decree that promulgated Law No. 17 of 1995, governing Yemeni Universities, outlines various educational objectives, including developing innovative and critical scientific thinking skills, acquiring empirical knowledge and problem-solving skills, and empowering students in scientific research. Regrettably, government funding falls short of fulfilling these ambitious goals, as the Ministry of Finance allocates and distributes budgets for universities in a manner akin to ministries and other government bodies. This distribution does not align with the nature of university tasks, activities, and goals. A finance official designated by the Ministry of Finance is responsible for disbursing this budget to each university, along with finance officials at the college level. [17]
Rather than formulating and implementing educational policies and strategies that foster social integration and national unity and bolster national identity and social cohesion, political Islamic groups, supported by ruling elites, have sought to ideologise public education or establish a sectarian education system running parallel to the official public education system over the past four decades. They have aimed to consolidate their rule or that of allied elites while weakening political rivals. For instance, the Muslim Brotherhood sought to gain control over the public education system after the September 26, 1962 revolution by appointing affiliated ministers and participating in curriculum development. Subsequently, they worked to establish a sectarian education system parallel to the public education system known as scientific institutes.
After former President Ali Abdullah Saleh ended his alliance with the Yemeni Rally for Reform Party, the organisational arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, he pursued educational integration by merging scientific institutes with public education in May 2001. Concurrently, he supported a parallel sectarian education system for a Salafist group led by Sheikh Muqbil bin Hadi Al-Wadaei, known as scientific centres or Dar al-Hadith centres. He established a Dar Al-Hadith Centre in the village of Dammaj in 1982, and it comes as no surprise that this centre was set up on the premises of the Dammaj Scientific Institute, which was under the purview of the Supreme Authority for Scientific Institutes. [18] During the academic year 2022-2023, the ruling authority in Sana'a and the northern governorates introduced a sectarian education system called the "Martyr of the Qur’an Schools," with one school established under each governorate under its control.[19]
In higher education, political Islamic groups have endeavoured to introduce curricula aligning with their sectarian orientations into public universities. In the early 1990s, supported by former President Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime, these groups made the "Islamic Culture" course compulsory in all disciplines at various public universities. After the Ansar Allah movement took control of power, substantial amendments were made to this course. The Ministry of Higher Education in the Ansar Allah "Houthis" coalition government and the General People’s Congress introduced a mandatory course for all students in public universities under its control, designed in accordance with the vision of the "Axis of Resistance against the Arab-Israeli Conflict."
Contrary to the beliefs held by ruling authorities or sectarian elites who establish parallel education systems alongside the public education system, it is evident that parallel ideological education has not and will not lead to stability and sustainable control over power. Instead, it has historically and will continue to result in increased conflicts, ultimately transforming political disputes rooted in interests into sectarian conflicts based on sectarian identities. Over recent years, the ideologisation of education has played a significant role in the proliferation of child recruitment and the escalation of armed conflicts.
Yemen's education system, encompassing primary, secondary, and higher education, heavily relies on rote learning and memorisation, often referred to as the "banking model of education", as described by Paulo Freire. In this model, teachers perceive students' minds as receptacles where they deposit information throughout the year, only to withdraw it through exams at the end of the year.[20] This approach has been further reinforced by the widespread adoption of multiple-choice examinations, unilaterally imposed by the Ministry of Education in areas controlled by Ansar Allah and at Sana'a University, lacking the necessary research, consultation with educators, or pedagogical foundations. Such an education system fails to align with learners' objectives, including personal development and attaining social mobility. Moreover, it offers little hope for socially and economically marginalised students to break free from the cycle of poverty and marginalisation and ascend to higher socio-economic echelons.[21] Furthermore, it does not contribute to the broader societal aspirations of progress, prosperity, and development. An educational system in which teachers or professors strive to produce carbon copies of themselves, rather than encouraging students to be creative and surpass their mentors, inevitably results in societal stagnation at best and can even lead to regression and backwardness, as the replicas produced are often distorted and of inferior quality.
The adverse consequences of subpar education based on memorisation, which does not cater to the demands of the labour market, extend beyond merely graduating employees who fail to meet their and society's objectives. It also produces a cohort of young people who pose a risk to the community, as "acquiring knowledge that cannot be applied is a sure way to radicalise an individual."[22] This readiness to participate in rebellions and revolutions, regardless of their objectives and leaders, is evident in various historical examples.[23] An apt illustration is the February 2011 revolution, often dubbed "the youth revolution," which was led by dissatisfied young men and women in Taiz, with the protests initiated at Sana’a University, Sana’a. The eastern gate of the university served as the focal point for their extended sit-in and the catalyst for the uprising.
Sana'a University alone boasts 23 centres.[24] However, the centres across all public universities face significant challenges, primarily due to a lack of funding and autonomy to seek external financial support. Furthermore, these centres grapple with infrastructure deficits, a shortage of necessary devices and equipment, and insufficient qualified research personnel. Most of these centres were initially established to include recent graduates of higher education, many of whom were not eligible for positions within university teaching staff. This created a backdoor approach to appointments, bypassing the criteria outlined in the Universities Law. As a result, these centres have been unable to fulfil their intended research functions and have, instead, deviated from their original purpose, primarily focusing on academic curriculum delivery and implementing master's and doctoral programs. This transition has occurred without proper coordination with academic departments and colleges, contravening the initial mandates for their establishment.
Seventh: The Imperative for Educational Reform:
Numerous national strategies have been devised to reform public education in Yemen. These strategies include the National Strategy for Literacy and Adult Education, approved in 1998, the Girls' Education Strategy from the same year, the National Strategy for Primary Education spanning from 2002 to 2015, and the Primary Education Development Program initiated in 2000. Additionally, the Fast Track Initiative was introduced in 2002, followed by the National Strategy for Technical and Vocational Education in 2004, the Secondary Education Strategy covering the period from 2006 to 2015, and the National Conference for Secondary Education in 2007. The Transitional Plan for Education also ran from 2018 to 2020. However, the latter remained unimplemented, mainly because Sana'a University developed a strategy that exceeded its implementation capacity, as any plan necessitates adequate funding and a budget allocation.
It is crucial to acknowledge that under the governance of the Ansar Allah group, the Ministry of Education recognises the pressing need for reform in public education. The sector faces various challenges, including the persistence of traditional primary and secondary education structures and their stereotypical nature in both form and content.[25] International assessments, such as "TIMSS" from 2005 to 2008, have revealed shortcomings in the cognitive range of mathematics and science among Yemeni students. This can be attributed to the Yemeni curricula and examination systems, prioritising memorisation and recall skills, emphasising the lowest levels of cognitive thinking, and neglecting the development of practical skills. Moreover, students have exhibited subpar performance in reading and writing, issues that persist from primary education to universities and postgraduate studies. This indicates a significant failure in equipping Yemeni students with fundamental literacy and numeracy skills.[26] These findings align with the results of national assessments in 2012 and 2017.[27]
The education curricula and pedagogical methods in primary and secondary schools primarily rely on rote memorisation and recall skills, resembling what is often called the "banking model of education." Regrettably, this approach continues into undergraduate and postgraduate education, where memorization-driven teaching methods dominate. However, postgraduate studies employ a descriptive approach, requiring students to adopt interpretive, predictive, or critical methods of inquiry.
Eighth: Proposals for Reforming the Public Education Sector:
- Facilitate the autonomy of universities and align budgetary allocations with the specific needs and objectives of academic institutions.
- Enhance the portion of government expenditures allocated to primary, secondary, and university education to ensure adequate funding for these critical sectors.
- Augment funding for individual and group research within academic institutions and grant research centres the freedom to secure non-governmental funding. This can be achieved by providing consultation services and executing research projects for local and international non-governmental organisations.
- Establish robust accountability mechanisms within educational institutions, including systems for evaluating job performance and offering incentives for educators and administrators.
- Revise existing legislation to ensure the election of academic leaders at various levels, commencing with university presidents, proceeding to college deans, heads of centres, and concluding with department heads.
- Develop a comprehensive system for assessing the quality of education in primary and secondary schools and universities to maintain and improve educational standards.
- Loosen restrictions on union organisations for university faculty members and student unions, promoting freedom of association and expression.
- Promote academics' active involvement in academic institutions' decision-making processes to foster collaboration and innovation.
- Eliminate legislative and regulatory impediments that hinder universities from seeking non-governmental funding, allowing academic institutions to diversify their financial resources and expand their initiatives.
References and Sources
[٢] أنظر، برنامج الأمم المتحدة الإنمائي، المكتب الإقليمي للدول العربية، تقرير التنمية الإنسانية العربية للعام 2022: تعظيم الفرص لتعاف يشمل الجميع ويعزز القدرة على مواجهة الأزمات في حقبة ما بعد كوفيد 19، واشنطن، 2022، ص 155
[٣] انظر، المرجع السابق، نفس الصفحة.
[٤] أنظر، سحيفة سما نيوز الإلكترونية، مكتب الأوقاف والإرشاد بلحج يحث أولياء الأمور على الدفع بأبنائهم الطلاب للتوجه إلى المدارس، متوافر على الرابط التالي: https://sma-news.info/112394/
[٥] GIZ, Insuring quality education in the context of crisis in Yemen, Available at: https://www.giz.de/en/downloads/giz2021_en_ensuring-quality-education-in-the-context-of-crisis-in-yemen.pdf
[٦] تم إنشاء جامعتي حجة والبيضاء فقط، وتم تشكيل جامعات أبين، لحج، والضالع أثناء الحرب (أبين 2018، لحج 2021، والضالع 2022).
[٧] وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي، الاستراتيجية الوطنية للتعليم العالي في الجمهورية اليمنية وخطة العمل المستقبلية 2006 – 2010، ص 20.
[٨] United Nations, Human Rights, Office of The High Commissioner, General Comment No. 13, Adopted by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights at the Twenty-first Session, E/C.12/1999/10, 8 December 1999, Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/resources/educators/human-rights-education-training/d-general-comment-no-13-right-education-article-13-1999
[٩] libd.
[١٠] يتذكر الباحث في مطلع الألفية الثالثة أنه قابل وفداً من أساتذة جامعة صنعاء رئيس الجمهورية الأسبق علي عبدالله صالح، لطرح فكرة اسئناف نظام انتخاب عمداء الكليات، فقال لهم: من يصرف على الجامعة، أجابوه: الدولة، فقال يعني أنا، وبالتالي من حقي أن أعين رؤساء الجامعات وعمداء الكليات.
[١١] lصطلح "Mandarins" كان يستخدم لوصف موظفي البلاط الصيني في العصور القديمة، وقد استخدم نعوم شومسكي مصطلح "Neo-Mandarins" لإشارة إلى المثقفين الأمريكيين الذين وصفهم بأنهم مثقفون أساتذة في الغالب، يعملون في خدمة السلطة الأمريكية. أنظر، راسل جاكوبي، " نهاية اليوتوبيا: السياسة والثقافة في زمن اللامبالاة "، ترجمة فاروق عبد القادر، سلسلة كتاب عالم المعرفة، المجلس الوطني للثقافة والفنون والآداب، الكويت، العدد ( 269 )، مايو 2001، ص 130.
[١٢] للوقوف على الحالات التي رصدتها ووثقتها الشبكة، أنظر موقعها على الانترنت
[١٤] تقرير لقناة بلقيس الفضائية بعنوان "معالجة ملف المنح: توجه جاد أم استهلاك إعلامي.
**عوضاً عن تقديم حوافز لأعضاء هيئات التدريس ومعلمي التعليم الأساسي للارتقاء بأدائهم المهني، تم إيقاف صرف مرتباتهم منذ سبتبمبر 2016 في المحافظات الشمالية.
[١٦] United Nations, Human Rights, Office of The High Commissioner, Op. Cit.
[١٧] أنظر، وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي، الاستراتيجية الوطنية للتعليم العالي في الجمهورية اليمنية، مرجع سابق، ص 18.
[١٨] أنظر، أحمد محمد الدغشي، السلفية في اليمن من الدعوة إلى الحزب، الحلقة الأولى، مأرب برس،.
[١٩] أنظر، موقع الصمود (التابع لحركة أنصار الله)، مدارس شهيد القرآن: البناء الأمثل للجيل المسلم،
[٢٠] انظر، باولو فرايري، تعليم المقهورين، ترجمة يوسف نور عوض، دار القلم، بيروت، د. ت، ص 51
[٢١] مصطلح "الحراك الاجتماعي" "Social Mobility" مصطلح سوسيولوجي، يستخدم في علم الاجتماع للإشارة إلى انتقال الأفراد من مستوى اجتماعي اقتصادي إلى مستوى اجتماعي اقتصادي أعلى (حراك صاعد)، أو إلى مستوى اجتماعي اقتصادي أدنى (حراك هابط)، ويستخدم في الكتابات الصحافية اليمنية والعربية بنفس دلالات مصطلح الحركة الاجتماعية "Social Movement" أو السلوك الجمعي "Collective Behavior" وخاصة الأشكال الاحتجاجية من الحركات الاجتماعية والسلوك الجمعي.
[٢٢] غوستاف لو بون، سيكولوجية الجماهير، ترجمة هاشم صالح، دار الساقي، بيروت، الطبعة الأولى، 1991، ص 109
[٢٣] أنظر، المرجع السابق، نفس الصفحة.
[٢٤] أنظر، محمد أحمد يحيى ردمان، دور المراكز البحثية في جامعة صنعاء في تحقيق التنمية المستدامة، مجلة كلية التربية، جامعة بنعاء، العدد (124)، الجزء (4)، اكتوبر 2020، ص. ص 359- 360
[٢٥] أنظر، وزارة التربية والتعليم (بصنعاء)، التعليم في اليمن: الواقع والتطلعات والتحديات والمعالجات المقترحة، صنعاء، د. ت، ص. ص 21-24
[٢٦] أنظر، المرجع السابق، ص 23
[٢٧] أنظر، المرجع السابق، ص 24
The stated views express the views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center or the work team.
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