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The Migrant Struggle: How African Migrants Became Pawns in the Houthi War

Yemen has long been a significant destination in migration trends, particularly for migrants from the Horn of Africa, including Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea. Historically, it has been the primary destination for many migrants from these countries. For years, Yemen was primarily classified as a transit country while also being a major destination for African labour during the 1970s and 1980s. Despite the escalating conflict between the Yemeni government and the Houthi rebels over the last decade, this unrest has not deterred migrants fleeing ethnic and racial violence, as well as the spread of droughts and famine in the Horn of Africa.

With the Houthi militia's control over the capital, Sana’a, and several other cities, the conditions for refugees in Yemen have significantly worsened. Refugees have been subjected to various forms of torture and physical and sexual violence and faced the imminent threat of death. Since the Houthi group decided to intervene to support the Gaza front against Israel, they began to view African migrants as a resource to meet the manpower demands for their declared “holy war” aimed at liberating Palestine.

Recruiting African Migrants

Since late October of the previous year, the Houthi movement, officially known as Ansar Allah, has positioned itself as a regional player in the ongoing Gaza-Israel war. They declared their involvement as part of the broader resistance front, aiming to support the Palestinians. The war served as an opportunity for the Houthis to showcase their military capabilities, threatening freedom of passage and navigation in the Red Sea, forcing commercial ships to take alternate routes, and launching hypersonic missiles and drones at Israel.

As the Houthis sought to present themselves as a significant force in the "holy war" against Israel, their leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, issued directives for a public mobilisation of civil sector employees, given the urgent need for fighters(1). The ranks of the Houthis had thinned due to the brutal fighting that had been ongoing since 2014, prompting them to seek new recruits. This led to the indiscriminate inclusion of various groups, such as forcing employees of the Supreme Board for Drugs and Medical Appliances to undergo military training, regardless of age or physical fitness, and compelling school scouts to undergo military drills. On November 16, the Houthis graduated the first batch of their "Al-Aqsa Flood" military training programme, which is set to form a dedicated military brigade focused on carrying out Houthi directives regarding Palestine. As part of their expansion efforts, the United Nations Security Council revealed that the number of Houthi fighters had risen to 350,000 by mid-2024, compared to 220,000 in 2022 and just 30,000 in 2015(2).

In a similar vein, the Houthis have turned to exploiting African migrants as part of their mobilisation campaign. Recently, they enrolled around 220 African migrants into their "Al-Aqsa Flood" military training programme. Over the past few months, the group has intensified its targeting of African migrants, admitting that, since the beginning of the year, it has arrested more than 3,480 migrants in Sa'dah and transferred them to Sana’a, alleging that they pose a threat to society. Many of these migrants are forcibly transported to military and training camps in Sa'dah and the Abs district in Hajjah, where they are given an ultimatum: either fight alongside the Houthis or face deportation(3).

Beyond the war in Gaza, the Houthis have been targeting African migrants and others from different nationalities for years, luring them with promises of food and money to take on combat and logistical tasks. These include transporting weapons, ammunition, and food supplies, building barricades, and digging trenches along front lines. The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms has accused the Houthis of forcibly disappearing around 2,406 Yemenis, along with 382 African refugees, across 17 governorates between January 2017 and mid-2023.

The Houthis also aim to achieve propagandistic and populist objectives through their recruitment of African migrants, actively promoting the idea of joining their ranks. This is evident in their focus on broadcasting funerary processions for African fighters who die in the conflict on their media channels. For example, Al-Masirah, the Houthi-affiliated television channel, aired the funeral of Ethiopian national Qasim Ahmed Yusuf and quoted one of the Houthi leaders saying: “We say to the Yemenis in their homes, these are the Ethiopians who give their lives for the sake of God to elevate His word and support the oppressed.” The channel also broadcast the funeral of the Somali Mohammed Saleh Sheikh Taher, who was killed while fighting with the Houthis in April 2020(4).

Map of African Migrants in Yemen

Yemen has long been a destination for migrants, particularly from East Africa, and has witnessed a significant increase in migrant flows in recent years. In October alone, the number of migrants from the Horn of Africa arriving in Yemen reached approximately 6,350, reflecting a remarkable 136% increase compared to September. According to United Nations estimates, the total number of African migrants in Yemen ranges between 200,000 and 308,000.

The number of migrants surged to 97,210 in 2023, compared to 73,233 in 2022, 27,693 in 2021, 37,796 in 2020, and 146,868 in 2019. The majority of these migrants (88%) come from Ethiopia, followed by 12% from Somalia and less than 1% from other countries, as shown in the following graph.

Source: IOM, Annual migration report 2023.

The journey from the Horn of Africa to Yemen takes about 18 to 24 hours, depending on weather conditions and the state of the boats. Due to intense competition among human traffickers, the journey cost has dropped to $170. The main migration routes are as follows:

The overland route starts from Ethiopia and goes to the port of Bosaso in northeastern Somalia. From there, migrants board boats to Bir Ali, a village located on the southern coast of Shabwah. Afterwards, they either walk for two days or take a five-hour drive to Ataq. Another route departs from Djibouti, crossing the Gulf of Aden (with ports controlled by the Southern Transitional Council), and then heads toward Lahij Governorate in western Yemen. From there, migrants follow the coast through Al Hudaydah Governorate.

African migrants, particularly those coming from Djibouti, are concentrated in Taiz Governorate in southwestern Yemen, while those coming from the Somali coast primarily settle in Shabwa Governorate. Hadhramaut and Al-Mahrah in southeastern Yemen are also popular destinations for migrants heading toward the Gulf, mainly due to the absence of checkpoints along the borders, relative stability, and the acceptance of migrants by these communities. There are approximately 4,500 migrants in Marib. Ataq city in Shabwah Governorate serves as the final destination for those stranded along the way, where they can potentially find employment opportunities.

Why Do African Migrants Flee to Yemen?

Historically, migrants from the Horn of Africa have taken three main routes: the eastern migration to Yemen, the route through Sudan to Libya, then onwards to Europe, and finally, the southern route through Kenya, Tanzania, and then to South Africa. Migrating to Europe comes at a significant cost, one that many migrants cannot afford. For this reason, Yemen has become a more affordable migration destination.

Geographical proximity and historical experience have played key roles in making Yemen an attractive choice for migrants, especially for Somali nationals. During the Somali Civil War in the 1990s, many Somalis fled to Yemen, and more recently, Ethiopians have made up 88% of the total African migrant population in Yemen.

[Illustration depicting the migration route from the Horn of Africa to Yemen]

Source: IOM, Annual migration report 2023.

African migrants see Yemen as a better alternative to their homelands, despite the ongoing economic, political, security, and environmental challenges facing the country. Increasing numbers of migrants cross Yemen’s borders in hopes of a better life, driven by a range of factors that push them to leave their home countries. Among the most significant reasons for migration to Yemen are:

1. Fleeing from Hardship

Ethiopia, for instance, has been suffering from one of its worst droughts between 2021 and 2023, leading to the death of over 6.8 million livestock. The World Food Programme estimates that 20 million people need food assistance, with conflict and violence continuing between the government and the Amhara and Tigray forces. The number of internally displaced persons has reached approximately 4.2 million. The ethnic clashes between Ethiopian migrants from the Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups in Yemen in September 2023 reflect the depth of the ethnic conflict in Ethiopia, where the government refuses to allow non-Oromo individuals to return. In Somalia, approximately 727,000 people face the risk of famine due to the ongoing food security crisis, exacerbated by harsh climatic conditions. Additionally, the threat posed by the Al-Shabaab movement, which controls large portions of the country, makes the situation even more dire. Eritrea, being one of the poorest nations in the world, pushes them to seek refuge elsewhere. In this context, Yemen is seen as a relative opportunity for survival, offering a chance to escape the horrors of war and conflict in the Horn of Africa (5).

2. Transit Hub

Yemen has become a key transit point for many migrants seeking to reach the Gulf countries. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), hundreds of thousands of migrants have travelled to Yemen in an attempt to enter Gulf states, often relying on human traffickers to facilitate their journey. Migrants typically gather in the border province of Sa'dah, waiting for the opportunity to move onward to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf destinations.

3. Job Opportunities

Some of the migrants who have settled in Yemen have been able to find work, particularly in the agricultural and livestock industries, as well as in informal sectors. A significant number of them work in the cultivation of khat in northern Yemen, and some are involved in smuggling activities, including the illicit trade of khat and other banned substances out of the country. Despite the risks and exploitation, many migrants accept these jobs due to their desperate need for income.

The Conditions of African Migrants

Yemen is grappling with a deep humanitarian crisis, where 17.6 million people—approximately half of the country's population—are facing hunger. Furthermore, 4.5 million people have been displaced due to ongoing conflict, while 80% of the population struggles to access basic services. The funding for crisis response has been dwindling, and in early December, the Yemeni Rial reached its lowest point, hitting 2053 against the dollar. These dire circumstances make it increasingly challenging to create any meaningful humanitarian conditions for migrants.

According to the International Maritime Organization, 48% of African migrants are homeless, 17% live in temporary shelters, 42% rely on seasonal jobs, and 35% have no source of income. Additionally, African migrants are subjected to violence at the hands of the Houthi militias, further compounding their suffering.

African migrants face numerous challenges in Yemen, including:

  1. Risk of Drowning: The eastern migration route from the Horn of Africa to Yemen is one of the most perilous in the world. Migrant vessels frequently capsize, and there have been several deadly incidents. In August 2024, the IOM reported that a migrant boat capsized off the coast of Taiz, killing about 20 people. Another incident in late October resulted in 125 casualties when boat operators forced the migrants to disembark in open waters. This makes 2024 the deadliest year for migrants crossing from Africa to Yemen. From January to August of this year alone, the Missing Migrants Project, managed by IOM, recorded 337 drowning fatalities along this route (6).
  2. Forced Expulsion: In April 2020, Human Rights Watch confirmed that the Houthi group forcibly expelled thousands of Ethiopian migrants from northern Yemen to the south, under the pretext that they were carrying diseases, including COVID-19. The expulsions were carried out with the use of rockets and mortar fire, resulting in the deaths of dozens. The Houthis have also been pushing migrants across borders into other governorates and countries, further exacerbating their vulnerability.
  3. Burning of Camps: Migrants in Yemen face brutal violations, including forced detention. For example, in March 2021, at a detention centre in Sana’a run by the Houthis, at least 60 Ethiopian migrants were killed when they went on a hunger strike demanding their release. In response, Houthi security forces launched missiles at the centre, sparking a fire that resulted in the deaths and injuries of 170 migrants (7).
  4. Physical and Sexual Violence: African migrants in Yemen endure various forms of violence perpetrated by the Houthis and local militias. These abuses include mutilation, forced disappearances, torture, sexual violence, including rape and forced marriages, human trafficking, kidnapping for ransom, and forced prostitution (8).
  5. Killing: The IOM reported that more than 2,000 migrants were either killed or injured in attacks in 2022 alone. Hundreds of people have received treatment for gunshot wounds in a hospital supported by IOM near the border city of Sa'dah (9).

Some African migrants are attempting to return to their home countries, with around 3,536 migrants returning to the Horn of Africa through smuggling boats in 2023. However, the IOM has been unable to organise an adequate number of voluntary return trips for refugees wishing to return to their countries of origin.

In light of the above, it is evident that the deep humanitarian crisis in Yemen casts a shadow over the African migrants there, particularly those who have chosen to settle. Yemen lacks many of the basic necessities for life, and the presence of migrants in the country has turned them into a bargaining chip in the hands of the Houthis, who use them as leverage to threaten neighbouring countries. They are also exploited for the Houthi group's military and illicit commercial activities. The experience of African migrants in Yemen serves as a real example of the violence perpetrated by the Houthis and their violation of human rights. This situation calls for decisive intervention from humanitarian organisations.

 


(1)  HRW, Yemen: Houthis Recruit More Child Soldiers Since October 7, February 13, 2024. Available on https://tinyurl.com/3bzkubjh

(2)  The New Arab, Yemen's Houthi rebels get 'unprecedented' outside military support: UN report, November 2, 2024. Available on https://tinyurl.com/dsh54eu5

(3) The Middle East Media Research Institute, London-Based Saudi Daily: Houthi Ansar Allah Movement Forcibly Recruits Hundreds Of African Immigrants For Military Courses To Bolster Fighting For 'Liberation' Of Palestine, November 17, 2024. Available on https://tinyurl.com/fsuym5yd

(4) هبه حجري، فر من جنوب الصومال ليُقتل في شمال اليمن تحت راية "الموت لأمريكا"، الساحل الغربي، مايو 31، 2021. متاح على https://tinyurl.com/983mn9a5

(5) Center for Disaster Philanthropy, Ethiopia Humanitarian Crisis, June 21, 2024. Available on https://tinyurl.com/4w27d8ku

(6) Amelia Nierenberg, Dozens Die After Smugglers Force Them Off Ships Into Open Waters, NY times, Oct. 2, 2024. Available on https://tinyurl.com/mryh42k6

(7) صفية مهدي، "جريمة مروعة".. تفاصيل عن حريق بمركز مهاجرين أفارقة بصنعاء، DW، مارس13، 2021، متاح علىhttps://tinyurl.com/3tnyksbj

(8) UNHCR, Thousands of refugees and migrants suffer extreme rights abuses on journeys to Africa's Mediterranean coast, new UNHCR/MMC report shows, July 29, 2020. Available on https://tinyurl.com/2svteedf

(9) HRW, Human Rights Violations Against Migrants in Yemen Increase Amid Soaring Arrivals: IOM Warns, May 31, 2022. Available on https://tinyurl.com/y3kn9pch

 

The stated views express the views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center or the work team.

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